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After the general election, the question of whether the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s ambitious infrastructure campaign will be hampered by its lack of an absolute majority in the Lok Sabha has emerged.
In addition to its emphasis on nationalism inspired by Hindutva and a well-thought-out network of welfare services, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visible progress from Bharatmala to Sagarmala has contributed significantly to his political triumph in the last two general elections.
But with the recent change in political dynamics that has left the party without a clear majority, concerns have been raised about the BJP’s capacity to maintain its infrastructure momentum.
First of all, under a multiparty system, contending interests and conflicting agendas can trump the BJP’s campaign for infrastructure.
Prime Minister Modi has come under fire for allegedly favoring some western states—Gulf, for example—when it comes to expensive infrastructural projects like bullet trains.
All large-scale infrastructure projects will have to thread the needle of reconciling political and regional aspirations due to coalition pressure.
For example, the JD(U) leadership might claim that it wants a sizable portion of modern expressways or Vande Bharat trains. After all, the creation of infrastructure projects is important and concrete for a state, or even region, that has endured decades of lack of amenities and connectivity.
Another important factor impacted by a minority is funding. In order to finance infrastructure projects, which demand significant financial resources, the government primarily depends on budgetary allotments and outside investments.
However, political unpredictability might discourage investors and make it more difficult for the government to get financing. Furthermore, in an effort to placate voters, the government might come under pressure to reallocate funding to welfare programs and populist policies.
Think about this: the politics of handouts, which are now an essential part of Indian democracy, are also in charge in Andhra Pradesh. In its “Super Six” manifesto, the TDP offers a plethora of welfare project promises, including a yearly seed capital of Rs 20,000 for farmers and a monthly payment of Rs 3,000 for every youth without employment.
States that are struggling financially will surely want to make sure they get their fair part of the budget, seeing it as necessary to keep their base of voters intact before supporting the Center.
Furthermore, a minority could worsen legislative impasse and prevent the enactment of important changes like land acquisition laws. The MVA government in Maharashtra’s tardiness of acquiring land for the bullet train project serves as an example.
Furthermore, it might be more difficult to pass long-overdue land law amendments without enough backing in parliament. After enacting three different ordinances to amend the land purchase law, the NDA government gave up on reforming the law in August 2015.
Once a path of assurance, the corridors of authority are now resonant with the murmur of doubt. Everything will rely on who leads the important ministries in charge of infrastructure, such as port expansion, rail, and roads.
In the end, how well the BJP navigates political relationships will determine the fate of its infrastructure agenda, whether it thrives or fades into obscurity.
Group Media Publication
Construction, Infrastructure and Mining
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